

Spee^cVi or 



I 







5^< 



SPEECH 



OF 




THE 



DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE FOR CONGRESS, 



IN THE 



lE'IRSST XJlJS^I-aFLICT. 



Mlwnh at \\t Mmh 3Kmj 27, 1BJ52. 



SAINT LOUIS : 

rRINTED AT THE ST. LOUIS TIMES OFFICE. 

1852. 



F+& r 



Hft 










Pursuant to notice, previously given by publication, a large 
number of the citizens of this city and county assembled in the 
Rotunda of the Court House to hear from Col. Bogy, the Demo- 
cratic nominee for Congress from this District, his views upon 
such political and sectional matters as interest our citizens. 

On motion of Christian Kribben, Esq., the meeting was or- 
ganized by Trusten Polk, Esq., being called to the Chair. 
* The Chairman, upon taking his seat, stated that the object for 
which the meeting had assembled was to hear the views of Col. 
Bogy, the Democratic nominee for Congress. 

To fully organize the meeting, on motion, Wm. Palm was ap- 
pointed Vice President, and Daniel H. Donovan, Secretary. 

Col. Bogy was then called to the stand, and addressed the meet- 
ing in substance as follows : 



Gentlemen of the City and County of St- Louis : 

I have often spoken from this stand before, but this, I think, is 
the first time that I have appeared to speak in behalf of myself. 
I have heretofore spoken to promote the views of some friend, or 
the success of the principles which I entertain. I come now be- 
fore you, gentlemen, to speak of myself — to announce to you the 
fact, already known to you, no doubt, that I am a candidate for 
Congress from this District — to announce the reasons and causes 
which made me a candidate, and the reasons why I shall claim 
the support of the Democracy of this District. 

Gentlemen, I say without any affectation, that in presenting my- 
self to you for a position of this kind, I do it with the greatest 
diffidence imaginable. No one is better satisfied than myself that 
I have no experience in public affairs, that I do not possess that 
knowledge which is necessary, and that I have not those shining 
talents that are calculated to distinguish the man who may occupy 
a position in the Congress of the United States. Hence, in appear- 
ing before you, asking for a position so lofty, I do it with great diffi- 
dence. A seat in the Congress of the United States is an 
honorable position. Indeed, I look upon it as one of the 



4 

most distinguished in the world. It is true, a great many 
very ordinary men are elected to that position, yet it must be re- 
membered that the Congress of the United States is the only body 
in the world that legislates for a nation of freemen. If we cast 
our gaze over the human family and see the governments which 
exist amongst men, in all the countries of the world, we find there 
oppression bearing down on the energies of the people, keeping 
down their lofty aspirations, and crushing the soul of men. And 
knowing the fact that the Government of the United States is the 
only one in existence calculated to promote the prosperity and secure 
the happiness of the people, I say then that a seat in that Con- 
gress, although the gentleman who may occupy it may be but an 
humble member, is one of the most honorable positions on the 
earth, and one of the most distinguished in society. I seek that 
high position, and it is right I should let you know, in presenting 
myself as a candidate, that I have not become so from my own 
choice. My political friends have thought proper to place me in 
that position, and when I was designated for it I felt it my duty to 
accept, and I did so with feelings of deep gratitude. 

I do not come here for the purpose of building myself up by de- 
stroying and tearing down other men, and though it will be my 
purpose to speak with candor, yet I shall also speak with feelings 
of liberality. I will explain to you the position which the Demo- 
cratic party has occupied for the last three or four years, and also 
the position of some distinguished men who have heretofore acted 
with the Democracy. I shall demonstrate to you that if these 
men are permitted to have their own way much longer, the party 
will be broken into fragments and scattered to the winds. 

Gentlemen, it is known to you that there are three candidates 
in the field. The Whigs have nominated Mr. Caruthers, a gentle- 
man with whom I am well acquainted, and a man of superior 
talent and excellent abilities. Of him I shall have but little to say 
to-nio-ht. It is known that Col. Benton is a candidate without a 

o 

nomination, and it is also known that I am the nominee of a regu- 
larly appointed Democratic convention in this District, represent- 
ing a large majority of the people in the District. 

I .will not, to-night, say any thing which may be offensive to 
Col. Benton. He has occupied a lofty position for many years — 
has sat in the Senate as one of the most distinguished men in the 



Country, and it is but doing him justice to say, that he acquired, 
in that position, much distinction, and it is not my purpose to de- 
tract any from the fame which he has acquired — to tear from his 
brow one laurel which adds to the lustre of his fame. I am not 
such a man. I came here to promote my own interest at the ex- 
pense of no one personally. But I say now, that Col. Benton 
stands, at the present time, in the position of a disorganizer, and 
that he is, in truth, and in fact, no Democrat — that he agrees with 
us in no principle whatever. (Applause.) 

It is proper that I should state something with reference to my- 
self, that I may be well understood. A short time ago, Col. Ben- 
ton made a speech at Jackson, and it was announced in one of the 
papers that I would be there to reply to him; but it so happened, 
on account of sickness, that I could not reach that point. My 
friends were much dissatisfied because I had not gone thither, and 
it was reported that I was afraid to meet him. Now, I owe it to 
myself to say, that I am not afraid to meet Col. Benton, nor any 
man living; and I owe it to my friends to say, that I pledged m}-- 
self not to avoid a meeting with him. Thus far, Col. Benton has 
not spoken of me unkindly. I have not heard that he has treated 
me with any personal indignity; yet, if during the canvass I 
should be assailed personally, I certainly will repel the charge ., 
and if the contest is to be carried on on personal grounds, I will 
not avoid it, but will meet him in any shape and manner he chooses. 
If war must exist, I will be in the war, and will carry the war into 
Africa, as it is said, to the very gates of Carthage, and there I 
will plant my standard, and there be the conqueror or the con- 
quered. But passing from this, gentlemen, I say that in all likeli- 
hood Col. Benton and I will not meet in this canvass ; he will not 
meet me at my appointments, and should I go to him, his speeches 
will be so long that should I attempt to speak in reply, I should 
be compelled to speak to an empty house. I therefore think it 
improbable, not that I believe that he is afraid to meet me any 
more than I believe that I am afraid to meet him. But I will now 
pass from this personal explanation, and speak of matters of more 
importance to the Democratic party. 

For years past the Democracy of the State has been divided. 
In 18-19, a series of resolutions were introduced into the Legisla- 
ture instructing Col. Benton to vote in the Senate on certain mnU 



ters in a certain manner. Col. Benton appealed from those reso- 
lutions, and since that time the party has been divided so that the 
Whigs, being in the minority, have elected their Senator and mem ■ 
bers of Congress, and are now stronger in the State than they 
have ever been before. This division spread throughout the 
length and breadth of the State, and a bitter feeling of hostility — ■ 
a deadly feud, sprung up between the two wings of the party. 

Such was the situation of the Democratic party, and early last 
winter an effort was made to unite it, and it was agreed that a 
convention should be held. The fact was published throughout 
the length and breadth of the State — in every county the people 
were informed of it, and every man knew of it. When the con- 
vention met, eighty or ninety counties out of one hundred were rep- 
resented in it. I myself was a member of that convention, and we 
met as Democrats, firmly determined to unite the party. The 
convention sat three days. A majority of the members of the 
convention were of the Benton party, and a minority of them be- 
longed to the true Democracy. Our object was not to build up 
any man, nor to tear down any man ; and I can speak in behalf of 
the convention, that it was composed of -old and true Democrats., 
though Col. Benton has taught people to stigmatize them as un- 
worthy members of the party, as turn-coats, renegades and milli- 
ners, as old Whigs turned young Democrats, and all of the most 
opprobrious epithets the English language affords ; yet the truth 
is, nevertheless, the convention was composed of respectable 
men — of honorable men — of men of high standing both in public 
and private life, and equally so as was Col. Benton or any body 
else. We held the discussion with candor and with liberality,; 
there was no bitter quarrel. Every member appeared actuated 
by no motive but to unite the party, and the result was that the 
convention did unite. We laid down a platform to which every 
member agreed, and without a dissenting voice ; though a few 
members did vote against it as a body, yet all were in .favor of it 
separately. What was the result ? Col. Benton says that the 
convention was pledged to nominate for Governor his friend, Gen. 
T. L. Price. No such pledge was made, either publicly or pri- 
vately ; it was never given in any shape, way or manner. 

We did rot meet them to nominate favorites, but to unite the 
party upon principles which were Democratic, and which had 



boen recognized to be Democratic since the days of Thomas 
Jefferson. After the platform was adopted, the convention went 
into nominations, and out of the seven State officers, the friends 
ot Col. Benton are the candidates for four. They had a majority 
in the convention, and had it in their power to nominate whom 
they pleased, and if Thomas L. Price was not the nominee, it was 
owing to the fact that the Benton men thought fit to sacrifice him. 
There was no breach of contract there. It was true, I did not 
vote for him, for we had rights, as members of that convention* to 
vote for whom we pleased, and we did not choose to vote for Thos. 
L. PHce, as many of the friends of Col. Benton did not, but voted 
for another gentleman of the same name, and who is a friend of 
Col. Benton, and who came forward and subscribed to the plat- 
form and adopted it. He agreed with us in opinion, and was the 
nominee of the convention. All of the other nominees also agreed 
with us, and after they were made, Gen. T. L. Price, who had 
been defeated, made a speech pledging himself, as a good Demo- 
crat, to abide the nominations, and stand upon that platform as a 
final settlement of the difficulties of the Democratic party. 

That platform, gentlemen, is not long, and it is right that I should 
read and explain it. I wish the Democrats of this county to un- 
derstand what that platform is, and to know how Col. Benton 
stands in relation to it. I desire to decide the great question 
whether Col. Benton is or is not a Democrat. If these principles 
are Democratic, and Col. Benton does not subscribe to them, great 
as he is, and great as his services have been, he is no Democrat, 
because a man cannot be a Democrat who refuses to recognize 
the principles of Democracy. 

Now gentlemen, I venture to say that no Democrat within the 
hearing of my voice, no man who pretends to understand the prin- 
ciples of the party, will object to a single word contained in the 
platform laid at Jefferson. In it there is nothing new advanced ; 
there is no new fangled doctrine embraced in it, but they are the 
same old and glorious principles asserted by Mr. Jefferson, and 
carried out by Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, General 
Jackson and Mr. Polk. In it are the same ancient land marks 
which have kept together the Democratic party and made it tri- 
umphant for more than fifty years of our independence — which 
have lead this country from infancy to greatness — from weakness 
to strength — and we still maintain those principles. 



3 

But Col. Benton says the platform is too small for a big man to 
stand upon. Gentlemen, Jefferson stood on that platform, and he 
was a man of gigantic proportions ; Jackson stood also on it, and 
he was a mighty man in his day, and it was large enough for him ; 
and more than all, the great Democratic party, which has had Ihe 
majority in this land a greater part of the time, has stood on that 
platform, and that party is greater than Col. Benton can possibly 
be. (Applause.) Yet, broad, strong and deep as it is, it is not 
sufficiently broad, strong and deep enough for him. He says it is 
too small for a big man to stand upon, and doubtless that very big 
man is himself. Here it is : 

1. Resolved, That wc adhere to and re-affirm the principles emhodied in the 
resolutions of the Democratic National Convention held at Baltimore in the year 
1848, and we pledge ourselves to support and defend the great political doctrines 
embraced in that platform of the National Democracy. 

And what is that platform ? The resolutions laid down by the 
Baltimore Convention in 1848, and which embrace the principles 
previously laid down in 1840 and 1844. In 1840 Col. Benton him- 
self stood on that platform ; in 1844 he stood on it, all but a part 
of one leg; in 1848 he got on it and traveled on it all the way to 
the State of New York, and went back to Washington and got off. 
What were these resolutions ? They were the same which were 
laid down when Gen. Cass was nominated for the Presidency. I 
will not detain you to explain what they were, for undoubtedly 
every democrat here is familiar with their words, and it is sufficient 
to relate that, in the estimation of Democrats, they were resolu- 
tions embodying the principles of the Democracy ; and Gen. Cass, 
being the nominee of that convention, was supported by the De- 
mocracy of the nation with zeal, except where the Freesoilers had 
sway, where they got on the Buffalo platform. 

From these resolutions we deduce those great principles of 
government which the Democracy always carries out when in 
power, and to avoid the difficulty of misinterpretation, the conven- 
tion at Jefferson went a little further, and adopted this resolution : 

2. Resolved, That we still cling to the Republican doctrines contained in the 
celebrated Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, as understood and expounded by 
their distinguished authors, which contained the platform upon which the Repub- 
licans of that period rallied and swept the alien and sedition laws from the statute 
book, and checked the encroachmnnts of Federalism. 

The reason why this resolution was adopted, every thinking 

man knows. Our government is one of limited powers. The 



Whig party has always contended for a petty latitudinoits con- 
struction of the Constitution, whilst the Democratic party, stand- 
ing up for its ancient principles, have contended for a strict con- 
struction of the Constitution. Within the last few years a ten- 
dency was evident to give a rather extended construction to it; 
and I have heard proclaimed from this stand, doctrines, and by 
Democrats, too, which forty years ago would have been pro- 
nounced first-rate Federal doctrines. An effort was made to se- 
cure the election of all officers by the people. They argued that 
the people, being the source of all power, should elect the Federal 
officers. It is very well to talk in that manner. Nobody denies 
the fact that the people is the source of all power, and nobody admits 
with more pleasure than I do. But we have, in fact, two govern- 
ments — a Federal Gevernment, composed of States, each one of 
which is itself possessed of sovereign rights, and the great object 
of the Democracy has been to prevent the consolidation of these 
States — to prevent power from extending from the extremities to 
the centre — to prevent centralization, which has been the bane of 
all governments heretofore. Hence the party has been anxious to 
maintain the rights of the States, and to construe the Constitution 
strictly ; and the ancient principles of Jefferson, re-asserted and 
maintained by the party, have been pronounced as nullification ire 
the extreme. True, some of the politicians of South Carolina de- 
duced the doctrine of nullification from the resolutions of 1798 and 
1799, but to avoid that interpretation of them, we adopted them 
as expounded by their author, who denied the whole doctrine of 
nullification. 

Mr. Jefferson never gave any explanation to those resolutions, 
but Mr. Madison did, and Col. Benton in his recent speech at Jack- 
son has given the very explanation given by Madison, and the fact 
that we have incorporated that explanation, excludes all the idea 
of nullification. Mr. Madison, in the extract referred to, showed 
what he meant and what the Kentucky and Virginia Legislature?; 
meant by the resolutions 1798 and '99, and therefore to charge us 
with nullification, when we adopt them as expounded by their au- 
thor, is to charge us with that which is not true. We deny the fact 
and require proofs. But to proceed with the platform : 

3. Resolved, That we will abide by and maintain the several acts recently passed 
by the Congress of the United States, known as the Compromise Measures, as a 
final settlement of questions which threatened the harmony and integrity of the 
Union. 

2 



10 

Col. Benton was a member of Congress when these measures 
were before its consideration, and he opposed with all his might 
what was called the " Omnibus bill," and he opposed some of the 
measures when they were afterwards passed upon separately. 
When, I would ask, has Col. Benton ever spoken in favor of them, 
either publicly or privately ? At this very stand he has said that 
the fugitive slave law — that law which has healed the dissensions 
existing throughout the United States — should be amended ; and 
to avoid anything of that kind, the Democracy of Missouri being 
in convention at Jefferson, unanimously adopted the compromise 
measures as Democratic measures, and the Democracy of the 
United States now stand upon that as a part of their platform. 
This has been their boast, and they have charged upon the Whigs 
that they were not as sound on the subject of Slavery, and the 
right of Congress to legislate with regard to slavery in the terri- 
tories, and upon the compromise measures, as the Democracy. 
This is one of the corner stones of the party, and I venture to pre- 
dict that when the two conventions meet at Baltimore, the Democ- 
racy will re-assert the same thing, and that the Whigs will not. 
On these points the Democrats in all the States are sound, and 
hence the adoption of it in the Jefferson City platform. 

But I will pass to the fourth resolution. 

4. Resolved, That we regard the right of instruction as a vital principle of Re- 
publicanism, and Representatives and Senators are bound to obey, in their legisla- 
tive action, the instructions of their constituents respectively ; and the people have 
a right to instruct their Senators in Congress through the Legislature, and to hold 
their members in the Legislature accountable for any misrepresentation of their 
will in giving instructions to Senators, as Veil as electing Senators. 

Now, perhaps this is the sole point in all of this controversy. 
Col. Benton appealed from these instructions given by the Legisla- 
ture in 1849. It is not my place to say anything with regard to 
those instructions, for they are now dead and buried, never again 
to rise — they have passed among the things that were — they exist 
no more — they have fulfilled their purpose and are now no longer 
in force. But Benton appealed from the resolutions — I have never 
denied the doctrine of the right of appeal — indeed, I believe it to 
be the duty of a Senator, when he has reason to believe that the 
Legislature has passed resolutions instructing him and which he 
thinks will be injurious to the country if he obeys, to appeal from 
the instructions to the people; but in the meantime it is equally 
incumbent on him to resign his position that he may not act in an 



11 



official capacity in a manner opposed to instructions given. Bid 
the resolution quoted asserts the right of a State to instruct her 
Senators in Congress — and how stands Col. Benton on that point ? 
The fact has been stated over and over again that Col. Benton lias 
sent instructions to the Legislature of Missouri, written in his own 
hand writing, and that the Legislature passed them at his request. 

In 1828, Col. Benton sent a series of instructions addressed to 
Spencer Pettus, then Secretary of State, in his own hand-writing, 
and told the Legislature that they were not to cross a T or dot an 
an I, but that they must be passed as sent. Thornton Grimsley and 
John Bent were then in the Legislature from this county, and so 
dissatisfied were they with the entire proceedings, that at the time, 
of their passage, they publicly rendered their protest against the 
resolutions. The object of the resolutions was to instruct Judge 
Benton, then in the Senate, to vote for the graduation bill ; and he 
came out in a speech denying the right of instruction, which was 
published, and exists at this day. Col. Benton then wrote a letter 
•to a friend in the upper part of the State, in which he stated that 
the Legislature had a right to instruct, and that the Senator was 
in duty bound to obey the resolutions, or resign. If necessary, I 
shall, on a future occasion, give the name of the gentleman. Col. 
Benton also says, that if the division in the party is kept up, the 
Whigs will be returned to the next Legislature, and that the Legis- 
lature will not be able to give Mr. Geyer the instructions which it 
ought. It is a pleasant rule which will effect Mr. Geyer and will 
uot apply to him. But the doctrine of instruction rests on higher 
authority than Col. Benton. It is the doctrine which is contended 
For by the party in every State in the Union, and has never been 
denied until very modern times. 

Here is the fifth and last resolution adopted in the platform : 

5. Resolved, That inscribing the Baltimore resolutions upon our banner, and ob- 
serving an unfaltering devotion to the union of the States, we will hold no political 
fellowship with the Abolitionists of the North or the Nullifiers of the South, and 
we discard as unworthy of our confidence all enemies of the union of the State?, 
and all enemies of the union of the Democracy. 

Gentlemen know well why we adopted this resolution. Col. 

Benton and his friends have called our friends Nullifiers, and we 

have said that we were not supporters of any such doctrine, but 

our^denial of it does not affect him, and he continues to this day to 

recognize us by that name. He took the right of baptizing us, and 

still calls us by that name. Well, what did we do ? We called 



12 

them Abolitionists, Barnburners, and Freesoilers ! They urged, 
very strenuously, that they were not Abolitionists, Barnburners, 
etc., and we asserted with equal warmth that we were not Nulli- 
fiers, and to exclude the conclusion, we said that " we would hold 
no political fellowship with the Abolitionists of the North nor the 
fanatics of the South." That met the approbation of every mem- 
ber of the Convention, for every gentleman knew that, when he 
called us Nullificrs, lie knew it was not^so, and many of their friends, 
whom we called Freesoilers, we knew, in point of fact, were not so. 
But, as a quarrel existed, the object seemed to be to stigmatize such 
ms were engaged in that contest, and nicknames were the most 
powerful weapons. We passed the resolution, however, to exclude 
that conclusion, and embodied in it the platform at Jefferson City; 
and what Democrat within the sound of my voice, be he American, 
French, English, German, Irish, or whatever nation he be born of, 
provided he understands what the Democracy professes, who will 
not subscribe to that platform? He cannot help himself. 

But what does Colonel Benton say? He calls for a little plat- 
form made to deceive men — a dead fall for a person to get in and 
fall through and kill himself. I call upon Democrats to say whether 
it is so or not. Who made the platform? The same men who 
made the Democracy what it now is, who have sent Colonel Ben- 
ton to the Senate for thirty years, and gave him the distinction he 
possesses, made it, and no one else. No Whig — no Nullifier — 
no, nothing but Democracy. 

Now, what are we to do ? Are we to let this platform, which 
meets the approbabion of the entire Democracy go? What does 
Colonel Benton offer in its place? He tears it down — tramples it 
under his feet and says it was made by unworthy men — by old 
Whigs turned young Democrats, and unworthy in a convention of 
honorable men — but what does he propose in its place? Nothing. 
He tears down but he does not build up, and men have often ac- 
quired reputation in different ages of the world for mighty des- 
troyers, but very poor builders. A child with a match may raze 
this stately edifice to the ground within a brief hour, but it would 
take the skill of many men many months to again rear it to its pres- 
ent perfection. 

Thus harmonized did the convention stand at Jefferson when it 
adjourned. What then transpired ? Delegates from nearly ninety 



13 

counties out of a hundred represented in the convention, every man 
went home perfectly satisfied with the result of its deliberations, and 
soon the Democracy in every portion of the State were also satisfied. 
The delegates returned to this city, and the friends of Col. Benton 
thought it advisable to call a ratification meeting. We also 
thought it best, being well satisfied, after years of quarrelling and 
separation, to come together once more, as we were wont to do in 
olden times, as soon as the delegates come home. Propositions 
were made for holding a meeting in this very Court House, to 
ratify that which had been done at Jefferson. The notices pub- 
lished in the papers were written by Judge Blair, a personal friend 
of Col. Benton, everybody knows. Everybody was satisfied, and 
every wing of the party was also satisfied with the platform. With 
respect to all Democrats, the platform said they must be governed 
by the principles of the party, or they would no longer be recog- 
nized as Democrats. But the meeting was held, and Col. Benton 
says it was an abortion — that only thirty Benton men and fifty- 
two Democrats, (anti) making eighty-two in all, were present. 

Now I have no doubt but that Col. Benton was so informed, but 
I was there, though I did not participate in the proceedings of the 
meeting, and I can testify to the truth of the statement. The meet- 
ing was not a very large one, for it was a very unpropitious night ; 
yet there were several hundred persons present, mostly the friends 
of Col. Benton, and Democrats. And who were the actors, 
leaders, and spokesmen in that meeting? Why, sir, Edward 
Walsh was Chairman ; Mr. John Smith participated, and Judge 
Blair, a member of the Jefferson City Convention, and who, like a 
good Democrat, had taken an active part in endeavoring to es- 
tablish harmony in the party,was spokesman, and he made, too, 
an excellent speech in favor of the resolutions and nominations 
which have been published, and a copy of which I have with me. 
These gentlemen were all particular friends of Col. Benton. 
During the evening, Mr. Polk also spoke, and the two wings of 
the party seemed as affectionate as two brothers — all enmities 
being forgotten, and all animosities being settled. 

Such was the harmonious state of feeling in the city and county 
for several days, and I beg leave to send you the following extract 
from the St. Louis Union, the organ of the friends of CoL 
Benton : 



14 

UNION DEMOCRATIC MEETING. 

Pursuant to a call published in the Democratic city papers, a 
large meeting convened at the Rotunda on Saturday evening, 
April 24th. 

The meeting was called to order by Lyman D. Norris, on whose 
nomination, Edward Walsh, Esq., was elected President of the 
meeting. 

On nomination by B. Gratz Brown, Messrs. Robert Campell, 
Walter B. Morris, John M. Wimer, R. T. Edmonson, Hugh A. 
Garland, and James Castello, were elected Vice Presidents. 

On motion of Montgomery Blair, Messrs. Isaac H. Sturgeon and 
P. A. Ladue were appointed Secretaries. 

The President explained the object of the meeting ; and, on 
call, M. Blair, Esq., addressed the Democracy in explanation of 
the position in which the Democratic had been placed. There 
was no occasion for further dissensions in the Democratic party in 
Missouri, and he regards the approbation which he had every 
where heard expressed of the action of the Jefferson City Con- 
vention, as a guarantee and an earnest that the Democracy would 
present, in the coming contest, a united front, not only in this 
State, but throughout the Union; since the same questions which 
had agitated the Democracy in this State, had agitated it else- 
where ; and they were now settled, or of no practical moment to 
the country. He also explained, briefly, and to the entire satisfac- 
tion of the meeting, the action of the convention at Jefferson City. 

On motion of Joseph Magellan, a committee of five was ap- 
pointed by the President to report resolutions expressive of the 
s mse of this meeting. The Committee consisted of Messrs. Jos. 
Magehan, John Smith, Lyman D. Norris, B. Gratz Brown, and 
John Black. 

Trusten Polk, Esq., being loudly called for, came forward and 
addressed the meeting. It gave him pleasure, said he, such as he 
felt on no other occasion, to have met at Jefferson City the repre- 
sentatives of the Demooracy fresh from the people. They came 
up there in the spirit of harmony and concession, and that was 
the feeling of the people. 

In this spirit the convention selected their officers, adopted the 
platform now before the people, and made their nominations for 
State offices. Not every one in the convention got his first choice ; 
but every one got such men nominated as he could vote for and 
support as Democrats. His explanation of the action of the Jeffer- 
son City Convention gave great satisfaction to the Democracy. 

The committee appointed for that purpose reported the follow- 
ing resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, to wit : 

Whereas, The Democratic party of the State of Missouri, in convention as- 
sembled at the capita 1 in the city of Jefferson, on the 5th day of April. 1852, 



15 

adopted resolutions declaratory of the principles which direct and govern the ac- 
tion of the Democracy of our State; and whereas, various candidates were se- 
lected by that convention for the votes of the people, to till the various offices of 
our State, to represent the Democracy in the National Convention to be holden at 
Baltimore, and to act as Electors in the ensuing Presidential election ; therefore, 
be it — 

Resolved, By the Democracy of St. Louis county, in mass meeting assembled, 
that we recognize in the principles enunciated by the convention, the ancient land- 
marks of Democracy, and they meet with our most hearty approbation and con- 
currence. 

Resolved, That we regard all the nominations made by the convention for the 
various offices as judicious and projoer, and wo hereby pledge them, at the ensuing 
election our cordial support. 

On motion of Judge Blair, it was 

Resolved, That the Democratic Central Committees appointed at the meetings 
held in the Rotunda on the morning and evening of the 8th of January last, be and 
are hereby requested to act together. 

On motion of N. Ranney, it was ordered that the Democratic 
city papers be requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting. 

On motion, the meeting adjourned. 

EDWARD WALSH, President. 



Isaac H. Sturgeon, ) . 

,, . T ' > secretaries. 

1 . A. LiADUE, S 



La DUE, 

The party was united in the county — the Convention at Jefferson 
had united them in the State — all was harmonious. What change 
took place then ? An effort was made to unite the party in the 
different Congressional Districts. The Democracy, which met on 
the evening of the 8th of January, designated Cape Girardeau and 
the first Monday in May as the proper pla"ce and time for holding 
the District Convention, for the nomination of a suitable candidate 
for Congress from this District, and appointed to it fourteen dele- 
gates, but had designated no time or place for the Convenlion. 
With but one exception, the papers throughout the District called 
for the Convention to be held at Cape Girardeau. Meetings were 
were held in most parts of the counties, concuring in time and place 
of meeting, and appointed delegates to the convention. Matters 
still moved on in harmony, and with one exception, all were satis- 
fied. The St. Louis Union did not publish the call for the Conven- 
tion, and I have in my scrap book, the Statement by the Union, that 
the Convention, at Cape Girardeau would be an Anti-Bentou 
Convention, and that no true Democrat would be there, 
and that an Anti-Benton man would be nominated. But 
gentlemen, observe what was afterwards done by the Union, and 
that wing of the party. Their Delegates were not to go to Cape, 
Girardeau. A meeting was held by them in the county of Jeffer- 



16 

son, and they designated the town of Ste. Genevieve as the place, 
and the 24th of April as the day for holding the District Conven- 
tion — that being the day we had appointed in Ste. Genevieve, to 
select delegates to attend the Cape Girardeau Convention. As I 
previously stated, fourteen delegates had been appointed by the 
united Democracy of tkis county to attend the Cape Girardeau 
Convention, and the friends of Colonel Benton had also appointed 
fourteen delegates to attend a convention of which time and place 
were not mentioned. 

The time rolled around, and on the first Monday of May the 
convention assembled at Cape Girardeau. Fifteen out of the 
twenty counties in the District were represented fairly by delegates 
regularly appointed, with the exception of a few proxies, who had 
been instructed to vote for Judge Bowlin as the candidate, although 
he (J id not desire the nomination. 

Fourteen delegates left this city for Cape Girardeau on one boat, 
and the friends of Colonel Benton numbering twenty-three, left 
for the same place on another. The meeting on the 8th of Janu- 
ary, held by his friends, had appointed but fourteen delegates to a 
convention, but they left for Cape Girardeau with twenty-three. 
On the Convention's organization, the friends of Colonel Benton 
made an effort to control its actions by this means. Giving them 
them all the voice in the convention that they claimed, numbered 
twenty-three from St. Louis county, one from Jefferson, one from 
Scott, one from Madison one from Cape Girardeau, there were 
twenty-seven, and the delegations of the Democracy, according 
to the official report, numbered twenty-nine, all of whom appeared 
in the convention, with proper credentials. What was the object 
of that convention ? It would be well to remember that great dis- 
sention had existed in the party, and at Jefferson City it had been 
united. This fact was spoken of, and the Democracy with one 
mind, said let us here unite the party of the District on the Jef- 
ferson Platform, and if we do, with the majority which we have, we 
must triumph. We felt that we must sacrifice something mutually 
to effect an entire union, and elect our candidate. We said to the 
friends of Colonel Benton, name to us a man who will subscribe to 
the Jefferson City platform, and he will be the nominee ; but we 
were told by the gentlemen that nobody would answer for Colonel 
Benton. The convention at last met, and within a few moments 
agreed to disagree. The friends of Colonel Benton withdrew, held 



17 

a .jeeting, and in a lew moments nominated him and went on their 
way rejoicing. The Democratic convention met, laid down proper 
principles, and I have the honor to be the nominee of that con- 
vention. 

I ask now, in all candor, if we could possibly have nominated 
Col. Benton for Congress ? Who could answer for him when the 
question was asked, does he stand on the Jefferson City platform ? 
Will he abide the action of this convention? Was any one author- 
ized by him to answer? What could we have done in the case 
otherwise than we did ? I pledge my word as a man, that the con- 
, vention was anxious to unite the party. We had no prominent 
man on our side, whom we cared about electing, more than we did 
about uniting the party. That was the object with us, but we 
could not consistently have nominated him, and subsequent facts 
proved the truth of our belief. These gentlemen — friends of Col. 
Benton — these seceders — returned to this city, and in a very few 
'ays a letter was written by him, which was any thing but flatter- 
ing to them, and in which he stated that they had acted without 
authority in nominating him — that they had no right to speak a 
word in his behalf, in any manner whatever. Suppose, then, gen- 
Jemen, we had nominated Col. Benton — that we had for the party's 
sake carried the spirit of concession so far as to have sacrificed all 
our feelings, and made him the nominee, in order to effect a union 
of the party, in what a ridiculous position would we have been 
placed, when he published his letter stating that we had acted with- 
out authority in nominating him — that they had no right to speak a 
word in his behalf, in any manner whatever. We are not dis- 
posed, gentlemen, to disgrace ourselves to promote the views 
and prospects of either one side or the other. We were ac- 
tuated by principle. We acted in a spirit of concession, but 
his nomination could not have been effected — it was not done. 
Colonel Benton would not submit. What was the result? 
He announced that he would appeal to the people. Previ- 
ously his friends held a meeting in Jefferson county, for the pur- 
pose of effecting his nomination. A few days since I made a 
speech in that county, and I endeavored to decide the question as 
to the number of delegates present at the meeting which nominated 
him, as it had been currently reported that there was only five per- 
sons. I mentioned this fact to them, and asked to know the trutii 



18 

of the statement. A gentleman present, who was one of the num- 
ber, stated that the report was incorrect, that there were more, 
and after considerable equivocation, admitted there were but few 
persons present. This, however, was afterwards denied by most 
of the meeting, who re-asserted that five was the extent of their 
number. We, however, compromised the number on seven and a 
half, and his friend appeared to be more than satisfied with the 
arrangement. 

You are aware that Col. Benton afterwards went to Jefferson, 
and there made a speech on the 15th of this month. It was follow- 
ed by the Whig Convention held on the 18th, between which dates 
he spent his time in Cape Girardeau, never announcing himself a' 
candidate until the Whigs had made their nomination, and he then 
went to a Whig press to get his handbills printed, although there 
was a Democratic press in the county. These handbills announc- 
ed him as a candidate for this district, and they were circulated by 
the Whig delegates to that convention, and by whom one of them 
was given to me. And to render the evidence of this conspiracy 
still more clear, Col. Benton returned to this city on the same boat 
with the Whig delegation. He has not heretofore been in the hab- 
it of attending Whig meetings, and I desire to know why he was 
there, and why, also, he was present at the Whig meeting on Sat- 
urday last at Manchester? Who published his Jackson speech? — 
Was it the Union, his accredited organ? or was it the Times, a 
first-rate Democratic paper? It was neither, but the Republican 
issued it first, and some say that the copy of the speech was in their 
hands prior to his departure from the city to deliver it. They 
certainly appear to have had means of knowledge ahead of the 
other papers. Although the Republican may be a very good organ 
Whig party, I hardly think it a reliable one for the Demo- 
Chambers and Knapp and Paschal maybe the head of the 
party of the State, but I do not consider them very good lead- 
ers in the Democratic ranks. Who, then, are the friends of Col. 
Benton in this district? 

Gentlemen, the best friends, and those who speak most in his 
favor, are the Whigs ; not, however, that they intend to vote for 
him, for their only object is to encourage him in his cause, and 
thus divide the party, bring defeat upon me, and elect a Whig. 
Undoubtedly Col. Benton knows the effect which must result from 



1!) 

this. He knows that he cannot, under any circumstances, at the 
present time, he elected to Congress. 

It is impossible that he, with his intelligence, should be ignorant 
of the fact, and he is well informed upon this subject. Then who 
is the conspirator? Is it the regular nominee of a regularly called 
Democratic Convention, unknown and humble though he may be in 
this district, without name or fame, or is it the other candidate, 
who has announced himself as an independent candidate, regard- 
less of the welfare of the party, and who will pursue his own way, 
come what will? I say that the conspirator is Benton, it cannot be us. 

It is known to every man that the Congressional nominations 
have been made throughout the State. In the district formerly 
represented by Phelps, the Jefferson City platform was endorsed 
by the nominating convention. In the district formerly represent- 
ed by Bay it was also adopted. In the district formerly represent- 
ed by Green, and now by Miller, the same action was taken, and 
in the districts in which Judge Birch and myself were nominated, 
the conventions also adopted the Jefferson platform. 

In the display of the names of candidates at the head of tne 
columns of the Union, what names of the nominees for Congress 
are to be seen ? Mr. Green and Mr. Birch do not appaar, and as 
to my own name, I had no reason to expect that it would appear — 
Col. Benton's being announced as the candidate from this District. 
Why are Green and Birch not announced ? Are they not the 
nominees of Democratic conventions, as well as those whom they 
have announced ? Did not the convention which nominated 
Lamb adopt the Jefferson platform, which Col. Benton has thought 
fit to stigmatize? If this course is pursued, the result must be 
that one-half of the State ticket will be lost. Dr. Brown, Buffing- 
ton and Morrison will be defeated, because they are not the po- 
litical friends of Col. Benton. Col. Benton knows that such will 
be the result. We had been in hopes that he would come back 
and give us the help of his name, talents and fame, and place 
himself on the broad platform of the Democracy, that he might 
again be elevated to that position which he occupied for so many 
years. But he will not do so ; he will rule in his own way, or he 
will ruin in his own way. 

Gentlemen, I shall make it my business to go into every county 
in this District, that the Democracy may know who is for organ:- 



20 

zation and who is against it — who is Democratic and who is anti- 
Democratic, and to see if the people are so wedded to a man that 
they have forgotten their party principles, and to ask if it is proper 
in a District where there is four thousand Democratic majority, 
a Whig candidate should be elected to Congress by a minority 
vote, who will represent in its halls a minority of his District. I 
call upon the Democracy of this county to look into these things. 
I call upon men who are here — Americans, Germans, Irish, and 
all citizens who compose the strength of the Democracy, to ex- 
amine into these things, and decide the issue between Col. Benton 
and the Democracy of which I am the humble representative. He 
runs as an independent candidate, upon his individual qualifica- 
tions, and I as the nominee of a convention. But I am not-an ad- 
vocate of conventions ; I sustain them because they are necessary 
evils, and when fairly conducted, are productive of harmony and 
success; but as long as we are governed by conventions, we must 
take the results. At this very day, delegates are appointed who 
are to meet in this city, on Saturday next, to make nominations for 
the Legislature and county offices. Who created these delegates ? 
Obviously the Democratic party, and the candidates whom they 
shall nominate will be the candidates supported by the party. Now, 
I ask by what reason should I be made an exception to the rule ? 
Have I not the same rights as other men in the party? Am I not 
in ever}' way eligible to any office under the government ? Then 
I see no reason why I should be crushed and borne down by Col. 
Benton and his friends, when many of them claim to be sustained 
because they are nominees. 

I shall proclaim this fact in every county in this District, nnd let 
the Democracy decide that question, and I know what will be the 
response in nineteen out of the twenty counties. I do not know 
but that in this county the friends of Col. Benton may be strong 
enough to crush the Democracy, but on the whole he will find 
himself in an awful minority. The election will make the fact 
known that the Democracy of this District will stand upon the 
Jefferson platform, and I do not despair, even in this county, but 
that he may find himself in the minority also. But I know what 
it will be in Jefferson county, where I had the honor of speaking 
recently to a most enthusiastic assembly of the Democracy, and 
who unanimously adopted the Jefferson platform. I was received 



21 

in a manner that astonished me, having never before occupied a 
position similar to that which I now do. 

Gentlemen, a greater part of my life has been passed in this 
county, and lam well known in your midst. Those who know me 
can testify that I have always been true to my friends ; that I have 
always felt for suffering humanity ; that the stranger coming to this 
land has alwaj r s found in me a warm friend to the fullest extent of 
my abilities. I have always expressed these feelings ; but 1 call 
upon you to look back upon the past career of Col. Benton, and 
point out where he has ever breathed a word in favor of human 
liberty in any quarter of the globe. Since he has been in the 
Senate chamber, the condition of the world has entirely changed. 
South America, from monarchical institutions, has changed into 
republics ; Mexico has become a republic ; Ireland, Germany 
and Hungary, and all Europe is struggling for liberty, and although 
the voices of many distinguished men have been lifted up in behalf 
of their efforts, Col. Benton has kept quiet on these matters, not- 
withstanding he is supported more warmly by adopted citizens than 
anybody else. 

A few years ago, when the Irish were borne down by the power 
of Great Britain, and the Irish Americans organized the repeal as- 
sociations in all parts of the country, for the purpose of sending 
relief to their suffering countrymen, did Col. Benton afford them 
help ? No ! I remember well when I was President of the repeal 
association, that an effort was made to obtain aid from him, or his 
influence, and it was treated in a manner which was thought at the 
time to be very unkind. I desire our foreign citizens to look back 
on these things, and decide whether he is a friend to the interests 
of suffering Europe. 

There are many other points, fellow-citizens, which I would 
like to speak of, but the lateness of the hour precludes the possi- 
bility to-night. On my return from the other counties of this 
District, I will take occasion to speak of some important matters 
of national politics, and will explain my views on the question of 
the homestead bill, intervention, and other questions which are 
now attracting the attention of the different States; and I will 
also speak of the course which I shall pursue, if elected, with re- 
gard to matters of local interest which will be brought before the 
consideration of Congr.-s; and I give you my assurance that if I 
should be placed in that honorable position by your suffrages — 
which I have reason to believe I shall be — I shall do the best 
which my judgment dictates for the interest of the State and na- 
tion. (Applause.) 



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